Fifth Amendment, cover up or anything else, if it’ll save it, save the plan. That’s the whole point.” But Nixon had to be realistic, too, so he gave the other side. “And I would particularly prefer to do it that other way, if it’s going to come out that way anyway. And that’s my view, that with the number of jackass people that they’ve got that they can call, they’re going to”—The president rephrased his thought. “The story they’ll get out, through leaks, charges and so forth, innuendo, will be a hell of a lot worse than the story they’re going to get out by just letting it out there.” (p. 341)
Here is alternative transcription of this same segment, prepared by the White House in response to the House Judiciary Committee’s version, but never before released:
I don’t give a shit what happens. Go down and sto-, stonewall it; Tell ‘em, “plead the Fifth Amendment, cover-up” or anything else, if it’ll save ‘em—save it for them. That’s the whole point.
On the other hand, I would prefer, as I said to you, that you do it the other way [to have everyone tell the truth]. And I would particularly prefer to do it that other way if it’s going to come out that way anyway.
And that my view, with the number of jackass people that they’ve got that they can call, they’re going to. The story they get out through leaks, charges, and so forth, and innuendos, will be a hell of a lot worse than the story they’re going to get out by just letting it out there.
As any reader can see, there is an considerable difference of opinion over the specific words on this tape—with hugely disparate implications—but there’s no way to cross-check or verify Dean’s own transcription and whether it differs at all from transcriptions prepared by a number of other organizations.
II. Overview
A. Startlingly Material Omissions
Dean’s methodology is deeply flawed, and, because of that, his book is glaringly incomplete as a full discussion of the Watergate scandal, particularly as to what has come to light over the past four decades. His sole focus on the tapes has enabled him to skip over hugely controversial and unsettled topics, including the following:
• Any detailed discussion of the real rationale for the break-in itself, the allegations of his own involvement, and the unresolved factual questions in those first weeks following the break-in arrests. It is interesting to note that Dean never even mentions or recognizes the issues highlighted in the whole series of books presenting differing views on Watergate, especially those by:
Fred Thompson, At That Point in Time: The Inside Story of the Watergate Committee (1975),
Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA (1984),
Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President (1991),
James Rosen, The Strong Man, John Mitchell and the Secrets of Watergate (2008),
Geoff Shepard, The Secret Plot to Make Ted Kennedy President (2008), and
Phil Stanford, White House Call Girl (2014).
• In addition to starting his book in the middle of the Watergate story, Dean simply and suddenly stops his narrative on July 16, 1973, the point where the White House tape system was disclosed and removed. He thus omits any real review or discussion of the last thirteen months of the Nixon presidency.
• The questions Dean fears most: any presentation of Dean’s own actions, particularly mention of the many questions that have been raised with regard to his own possibly criminal acts, has also been omitted. In the Preface, Dean asserts that he became the centerpiece of the Nixon defense (p. xxv), but then asserts that his Ervin Committee testimony and first book have already detailed his role, so he has omitted further discussion from this book (p. xxiv). But he never discussed them there either. It is as though he hopes to air-brush any record of own his criminal